For the first time in post-war history, Kosovo currently has no active lobbying contracts in the United States. Experts in local and international politics warn that this could leave Kosovo in the shadows, without "a seat at the table."
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| Kosovo Without Lobbying Contracts in the U.S.: A Diplomatic Setback? |
Until last year, Kosovo's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Diaspora (MPJD) maintained two such agreements, but these have now expired. Despite Foreign Minister Donika Gërvala stating that the renewal of these one-year contracts was under consideration, no action has been taken.
Risks of Relying Solely on Conventional Diplomacy
Political analyst Donika Emini warns that Kosovo's institutions should not rely exclusively on conventional diplomacy via embassies and consulates, especially at a time when "geopolitical tensions are escalating and transatlantic divides are deepening."
"Kosovo expects and demands political support from the U.S. without offering anything in return. Washington is not a place where goodwill alone is sufficient; it is a battleground of influence, where lobbying, strategic partnerships, and diplomatic skills determine who gets a seat at the table," Emini told Radio Free Europe.
And who is securing that seat? Serbia, Emini argues.
While Kosovo struggles to position itself as a "valuable contributor in the new global order," Serbia has positioned itself as a transactional player, offering economic cooperation and leveraging its natural resources to build influence.
"If Kosovo does not modernize its diplomatic approach, it risks becoming a secondary player in regional politics, with its fate increasingly dictated by others—not only by the U.S. but also by its regional rivals, who are far more aggressive, strategic, and transactional in their engagement with Washington," Emini warns.
How the Region Lobbies in the U.S.
Currently, Serbian state institutions have five active lobbying contracts in the U.S. Serbia's government, its republic administration, embassy, and Chamber of Commerce all maintain agreements with American lobbying firms.
One of these contracts, signed this year with BlackSummit Capital, aims to assist Serbia concerning "recently imposed sanctions on its energy sector." While the contract's value is undisclosed, Serbia is set to pay Valcour $65,000 per month, KARV Communications $60,000 per month, BGR Group $50,000 per month via its embassy, and Yorktown Solutions $840,000 annually through its Chamber of Commerce.
Bosnia and Herzegovina, specifically the Republika Srpska (RS) entity, holds six lobbying contracts, one of which, with Zell & Associates International Advocates, was signed this year. While the contract's value is redacted, it aims to lift sanctions on RS President Milorad Dodik.
North Macedonia and Montenegro have no active lobbying contracts, while in Albania, only opposition politician Lulzim Basha has a "pro bono" lobbying arrangement.
Kosovo and the Trump Administration
Kosovo's absence from lobbying efforts coincides with the transition to a new U.S. administration under Republican President Donald Trump. So far, Trump's only official communication with Kosovo has been a congratulatory letter to President Vjosa Osmani on the country's independence anniversary.
This comes after Richard Grenell, Trump’s special envoy for the Balkans, publicly criticized Kosovo’s government under Prime Minister Albin Kurti, stating that the U.S. needs "reliable partners in the Balkans, and Kurti's government is not one of them."
Grenell also claimed that U.S.-Kosovo relations have "never been at a lower point."
Due to these tensions, Kosovo’s first ambassador to the U.S., Avni Spahiu, emphasizes the critical need for lobbying contracts.
"If we leave an empty space for Serbia to lobby, this will be to our detriment. We must not leave any vacuum at this time when U.S. support is most crucial," Spahiu said.
During Trump’s first term (2017-2021), Kosovo and Serbia signed an agreement in Washington to normalize economic relations. However, much like other agreements brokered between the two countries under EU mediation, its implementation remains incomplete.
The Need for a New Diplomatic Strategy
Kosovo now awaits the formation of a new government following the February 9 parliamentary elections, which were won by Kurti’s ruling party, Lëvizja Vetëvendosje, but without securing a parliamentary majority.
Emini hopes the new government will change its approach toward the U.S., calling this a "matter of diplomatic survival."
"If Kosovo does not take urgent measures, it risks being sidelined in Washington, unable to counter Serbia's growing influence and overlooked in key decision-making circles," she warns.
She also points to Kosovo's relatively small diplomatic presence in Washington compared to Serbia, as a further indicator of its neglect of U.S. relations.
When asked whether new lobbying contracts will be signed, MPJD stated that it "cannot comment on lobbying contracts as they are confidential." However, FARA regulations in the U.S. require all lobbying activities undertaken on behalf of foreign agents to be publicly disclosed.
Past reports from FARA have revealed details about two Albanian lobbyists, Avni Mustafaj and Afërdita Rakipi, who were contracted by MPJD for one year in 2023. During the first six months of their contracts, much of their reported work consisted of business lunches and dinners in Kosovo, despite the contracts being intended for representation "within the United States."
In the latter half of their contracts, they reported nearly identical activities, contacting the same individuals on the same days with identical email content, despite their contracts being separate.
While MPJD currently lacks contracted lobbyists, it maintains that it is "committed to building and strengthening sustainable, strategic, and long-term relations with the United States."
The National Conference of State Legislatures in the U.S. defines lobbying as "an effort to influence government actions through written or oral communication." Through lobbying, foreign states can legally attempt to influence U.S. policies.
"In Washington, lobbying is not a luxury; it is a necessity. It is how small countries amplify their voice in politically powerful corridors," says Emini.
In the past, other Kosovo state institutions, such as the Presidency and the Prime Minister's Office, have also signed lobbying contracts. A week ago, Radio Free Europe asked both institutions why they currently have no lobbying contracts but received no response.
Millions of euros have been spent on lobbying over the years, with prominent U.S. firms such as Podesta Group and Ballard Partners being contracted.
One such contract with Podesta Group was signed during Spahiu’s tenure as Kosovo’s ambassador to the U.S. (2008-2012). Even then, when Kosovo enjoyed strong U.S. support, lobbying was considered effective.
"Now, I believe a renewed effort is needed to rebuild these relations, to reinforce and improve them—not only because of changes in the White House but also due to developments in Kosovo-U.S. relations," Spahiu states.
Emini remains concerned that Kosovo, 17 years after declaring independence, still relies on Washington for security guarantees and political support as if it were the 1990s.
"Unlike in 2008, when U.S. support for Kosovo’s independence was unwavering, today's foreign policy is driven by what a country can offer, not just by what it asks for," she concludes.
Emini's message to Kosovo’s institutions is clear: invest in lobbying, expand diplomatic presence in Washington, develop a clear vision of what Kosovo can offer as an ally, and revive engagement with the diaspora.